Iran: Reveal whereabouts of four Kurdish men

amnesty-internationalReveal whereabouts of four Kurdish men 

UA: 171/17 Index: MDE 13/6734/2017 Iran        Date: 13 July 2017 

Four men from Iran’s Kurdish minority have been subjected to enforced disappearance since their arrests on 23 and 24 June. The authorities have refused to provide any information to their families about their fate or whereabouts. The men, who are all related, are at risk of extrajudicial execution, torture, and other human rights violations.

Ramin Hosseinpanahi

Ramin Hossein Panahi, a member of the Komala armed opposition group, was arrested on 23 June after taking part in armed clashes with Iran’s Revolutionary Guards in the city of Sanandaj, Kurdistan province, northwest Iran. Amnesty International understands that Ramin Hossein Panahi was injured during the clashes. His family has not been informed of his fate or whereabouts but they learned through a local non-official source that, following his arrest, he was initially taken to a hospital for about an hour and then moved to an undisclosed location.

His family is concerned that he will be denied critical medical care for his injuries.

The Iranian authorities often deny prisoners access to adequate medical care, sometimes as an intentional act of cruelty intended to intimidate and punish them, or to extract forced “confessions”.  

Hours after Ramin Hossein Panahi’s arrest, the Revolutionary Guards stormed his parents’ house in the village of Qeruchay, near Sanandaj, and arrested his brother, Afshin Hossein Panahi

They raided the house again on 24 June and arrested three other members of his family: Ahmad Hossein Panahi (brother-in-law); Zobeyr Hossein Panahi(distant relative); and Anvar Hossein Panahi (cousin), who has since been released. Information received by Amnesty International suggests that none of these men had any involvement in the armed clashes.

Since their arrest, the authorities have refused to provide any information to their families about the fate or whereabouts of the three men still detained.

On 10 July, the mother of Ramin Hossein Panahi visited the Ministry of Intelligence office in Sanandaj, where officials said that the Revolutionary Guards were responsible for his case and therefore his arrest and that the Ministry of Intelligence had nothing to do with him. However, the Revolutionary Guards had previously told the family that they had transferred him to the detention of the Ministry of Intelligence so he was no longer their responsibility. The four men still in detention are victims of enforced disappearance, which is a crime under international law, and are at risk of torture and other ill-treatment.

Please write immediately in English, Persian or your own language calling on the Iranian authorities to: 


– Immediately reveal the fate and whereabouts of Ramin Hossein Panahi, Afshin Hossein Panahi, Ahmad Hossein Panahi, and Zobeyr Hossein Panahi;
– Release Afshin Hossein Panahi, Ahmad Hossein Panahi, and Zobeyr Hossein Panahi if they have been detained solely because of their family connection with Ramin Hossein Panahi;
–  Ensure that all four men are provided with any medical care they may require and are protected from torture and other ill-treatment;
– Ensure that Ramin Hossein Panahi is provided with immediate access to medical care and to an independent lawyer of his choosing and promptly brought before a judge.

PLEASE SEND APPEALS BEFORE 24 AUGUST 2017 TO: 

Justice Department of Kurdistan Province 
Imam Shafe’i Square
Shahid Shebli Boulevard
Sanandaj
PO Box: 6614786964
Kurdistan Province
Iran

Head of the Judiciary 
Ayatollah Sadegh Larijani
c/o Public Relations Office
Number 4, Deadend of 1 Azizi
Above Pasteur Intersection
Vali Asr Street
Tehran, Iran

And copies to


Advisor to the President for Ethnic and Religious Minorities’ Affairs 

Ali Younesi
Office of the Presidency
Pasteur Street, Pasteur Square
Tehran, Iran

Also, send copies to diplomatic representatives accredited to your country.

Please insert local diplomatic addresses below: 


Name                        

Address 1

Address 2

Address 3

Fax: Fax number

Email: Email address

Salutation: Salutation

Please check with your section office if sending appeals after the above date.

 

Additional Information

The men’s families have reported making strenuous efforts to locate them by visiting various government offices in Sanandaj and Qorveh, and the village of Dehgolan, all in Kurdistan province, but said that officials refused to disclose their fate or whereabouts. Instead, officials have directed threats and insults at them, describing their loved ones as “terrorists”.

Amnesty International understands that the arrests of Ramin Hossein Panahi, Afshin Hossein Panahi, Anvar Hossein Panahi, Ahmad Hossein Panahi, and Zobeyr Hossein Panahi were carried out in a violent manner. According to accounts from Ramin Hossein Panahi’s family, armed Revolutionary Guards wearing black masks broke down the front door of their family house on 24 June and beat the men, as well as Ramin Hossein Panahi’s sister and elderly father. They also warned them against holding gatherings or giving media interviews.

In addition to Ramin Hossein Panahi, three other men affiliated with the armed Kurdish opposition group Komala were involved in the exchange of gunfire on 23 June 2017. They included Sabah Hossein Panahi, Hamed Seyf Panahi and Behzad Nouri. Ramin Hossein Panahi was injured and subsequently arrested while the latter three were shot dead. The exchange of gunfire apparently started at a Revolutionary Guards checkpoint after the men were identified while traveling in a car and did not heed a call to stop. The authorities have refused to return the dead bodies of the three men to their families for burials and warned the families against holding memorial gatherings. Komala has claimed that six members of the Revolutionary Guards were also killed during the clashes but the Revolutionary Guards did not acknowledge any casualties in the official statement they issued on 23 June. Komala is an armed Kurdish opposition group which has been engaged in armed activities against the Islamic Republic of Iran since the 1980s.

Kurds are one of Iran’s disadvantaged ethnic minorities and face entrenched discrimination that curtails their access to employment, adequate housing and the exercise of their cultural, economic, civil and political rights. Continued economic neglect of provinces populated by Kurds, which include Kurdistan, Kermanshah and parts of West Azerbaijan, have further entrenched poverty and marginalization. Politically, Iran’s Kurdish minority have criticized the centralization of political life in Iran and the absence of any measures to introduce any form of minority self-government.

International law absolutely prohibits enforced disappearances and specifies that no exceptional circumstances whatsoever may be invoked as justification. Enforced disappearances are particularly cruel human rights violations. Individuals are cut off from the outside world, left knowing that their loved ones have no idea where they are or whether they are dead or alive. They are placed outside of the protection of the law and denied their right to legal representation or a fair trial. Treaty bodies, human rights courts and other human rights bodies have repeatedly found that enforced disappearances also violate the right to liberty and security of the person, the right not to be subjected to torture or other ill-treatment, the right to remedy, and the right to life. An enforced disappearance is also a “continuing crime”, which takes place so long as the disappeared person remains missing and information about his or her fate or whereabouts has not been provided by the state. Enforced disappearances also have a profound effect on the family members and friends of the disappeared individuals who are sometimes forced to anxiously wait years before they find out if their loved one is alive or dead.

Name: Ramin Hossein Panahi, Afshin Hossein Panahi, Ahmad Hossein Panahi, Zobeyr Hossein Panahi
Gender m/f: All male

UA: 171/17 Index: MDE 13/6734/2017 Issue Date: 13 July 2017

The Urgent Action is available on the Amnesty International website at the following link: https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/MDE13/6734/2017/en/

Dr. Azad Moradian : Establishing a Kurdish State Will Shake the Balance in the Region

Featured Image -- 2317The Kurdistan Voice: As you know, one of the most disputed political topics in the Middle East is the independence referendum of Kurdistan, which will be held within the next three months. Until now, Iran has opposed the referendum more than Baghdad or even Ankara. Is Iran afraid of an independent Kurdistan because it is likely to become a catalyst for the Kurds of Iran?

Dr. Moradian: An independent Kurdish state, regardless of size, is a direct threat to Iranian political hegemony and the regional power of the Middle East.

Essentially, the long-term strategic goal of Iran is to create a Shiite block, or as they call it, a Shiite Crescent and claim the territorial and ideological leadership of the Shiite world.

The removal of Saddam Hussein created the space for the Iranian regime to further spread their influence in the region.

In Lebanon and in part of Yemen, Iran has already been able to establish their dominance and have widespread Shiite support. All of Iranian’s efforts in Syria are towards this same end.

While Iran has been involved in Syria since the beginning of the conflict, they became physically engaged in 2014 to preserve the power of an Alawite Shiite regime. The territorial integrity of Iraq and Syria and the preservation of the ruling powers in these countries is of paramount importance to Iran. Therefore, anything that threatens this plan is something Iran will vehemently oppose. Kurds are situated, physically and politically, in direct opposition to this plan. Kurds are also positioned to oppose Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s ambitions to reestablish an Ottoman Sunni Crescent (please see Question 3 for more on this topic).

Establishing a Kurdish state will shake the balance in the region, as it does not reinforce the larger geopolitical visions of Iran and/or Turkey.
Furthermore, while the situations of Kurds in Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Turkey are different, there is cross-border influence and exchange. The formation of a Kurdish state in any one of these regions can catalyze Kurds in other regions.

Iranian Kurds established the first Kurdish state (The Republic of Mahabad 1946), so the history is there for people to be moved into action by what happens in Iraqi Kurdistan. There is a great deal of movement between Kurds in Iraq and Iran; therefore, we cannot minimize the power of the independence referendum in revitalizing resistance in other regions of Kurdistan.

Anytime we discuss Middle East politics, we must touch on the economic impact of regional changes. Iran, in part because of their position in OPEC, has a key economic role. An independent Kurdistan with their rich oil reserves will become a dominant voice regarding what happens to oil exports. Iran does not want to share this power. While Iran is afraid of a future state of Kurdistan threatening internal affair, the issue is more complex than that. Iran opposes the referendum because a Kurdish state threats Iranian political, economic, and ideological dominance in all aspects.

On the ideological front, Iran does not want to have a secular democratic state at its borders. Despite all of the internal party issues in Iraqi Kurdistan, the system can still be an antidote to Iranian theocracy. This would create tension within Iran, not just in the Kurdish region of Iran, as it can inspire the Iranian democracy seeking movement.

For example, the stance that Iraqi Kurdistan has towards women, religious tolerance, political pluralism and open media can all have an impact on Iran’s civic engagement.

The Kurdish region, in the past 20 years, has shown a much more progressive stance towards human rights issues. Travel and intellectual exchange between the two countries could threaten the Iranian regime’s ability to maintain a dictatorship and subdue resistance and activism. Religious tolerance and women’s issues are especially key.

The Kurdistan Voice: The former U.S. president, George Bush had an unsuccessful Great Middle-East plan for the democratization of the region. Is it possible that the Trumps’ administration pursues a similar plan to strengthen the U.S. power and reduce Russia’s influence in the region?

Dr. Moradian: Let me begin by distinguishing between Bush’s foreign policy towards the Middle East and that of Trump.

The two are actually different, at least in terms of messaging. Both Sr. Bush and Jr. Bush had the slogan of destroying dictatorship and establishing democracy in the region as their stated reasons for getting involved in the Middle East.

This was the case in the early 90’s with Bush Sr. and was also the case with Bush Jr. Trump says: “America First” and states that he is there for reestablishing America’s dominance, politically, economically and ideologically. Establishing democracy does not appear to be part of the plan.

On the surface, we might think that Bush’s vision of destroying dictatorship and establishing western style democracy is a worthy cause. The reality is not exactly as noble. First of all, establishing democracy was never clearly defined or classified. There was also no clear plan of how this was going to happen. For example, Bush failed to help foster a clear alternative that would fill the void left behind after the toppling of dictatorship. Furthermore, power was not properly divvied up between all the stakeholders on the ground.

The project was left completely unfinished. In part, as a result of this, the region has been plagued by the horrors of ISIS. The human, economic, and cultural costs have been enormous.

Bush Sr. and Bush Jr. succeeded in toppling dictators but then the region was abandoned to deal with the cascading consequences of war and instability. Whether Trump’s foreign policy is going to work better remains to be seen. Time will tell. So far there is no clear vision in mind.

The Bush administration, as well as Obama’s, were committed to the one Iraq, one Syria policy and were not interested in supporting the Kurdish quest for self-determination. They saw the continuation of Iraq as well as Syria (as an intact country) as a priority. At the same time, they did not have a plan of how to support the type of political system that would lead to democracy. Territorial integrity was chosen over the well-being of people. The cost has been great suffering and further instability. This policy has had a devastating impact on Kurds and has been one of the biggest blows to Kurdish interests.

While America has relied on Kurds to neutralize extremism and give tactical and military support to American troops, it has in turn, refused to support Kurds in their political ambitions.

We don’t yet know if the Trump administration is going to continue this policy or move in a different direction. The Trump administration has supported Kurds in Syria militarily but there is so far no indication that things will be different politically.

When it comes to Russia, the issue is even more complex. While Russia appears to want to reestablish its former Soviet supremacy in the world, it is entangled in more pressing concerns closer its own borders, such as in Ukraine and Georgia.

Russia is a strong player militarily but economically it is on the same level as a country like Italy. It, therefore, does not have the leverage to continue taking a strong stance in the Middle East. The most it can hope for is to recreate the balance of power between east and west that the old Soviet once had.

Trump’s policy towards Russia has been to sit down with Russia and negotiate while making sure Russia does not have a leadership role in the world. In this regard, Trump’s policy is a conservative American stance and not a new one but it is a deviation from Obama.

Trump administration is interested in U.S. global dominance and not in power sharing. By helping Russia economically, it is likely that Russia will want to trade its influence in Syria and Iran for more dominance in the Eastern block and for more financial opportunities.

 

The Kurdistan Voice: It seems Turkey faces a dilemma between the United States and Russia concern to its regional policy and has been the failure to gain its strategic goals, especially in Syria as the United States has sent military equipment to the Kurdish forces of the People’s Protect Union without getting attention to the Ankara’s threats.

How is the Turkey’s policy in the region explainable?

Dr. Moradian: Before the year 2003 when AKP (Justice and Development Party) came to power, Turkey’s main goals in the region were twofold:

One, it wanted to self-preserve through a strong nationalism. Its policies were geared towards fostering a secular nationalistic state. It did not expend energy and resources on expansionist policies.

Two, it wanted to become a strong economic force. It did so by being a key NATO member. It was able to do just that as it had the largest border with the East. Turkey was seen as the bridge between the East and West. It was able to gain tremendously on the economic front. For 44 years, Turkey benefited financially from the Truman Doctrine, of aid to countries that were moving away from Communism towards Democracy.

In an effort to control Communism, Turkey profited financially and politically.

The Turkish military was the guardian of this secular nationalistic state. Kurds, or anyone else, that threatened this vision were brutally repressed and slaughtered. The war against Kurds helped strengthen the Turkish state by giving the army a constant enemy. Turkey was the beneficiary of the Cold War but needed a new direction after the fall of the Soviet Union.

Understanding the recent history of Turkish foreign policy requires understanding Ahmet Davutoğlu doctrine and philosophy. He is the theoretical founder of the direction Turkey took after the fall of the Soviet Union. From 2002-2009 he had an advisory role and from 2009-2014 he was the foreign minister of Turkey and then became Prime Minister from 2014-2016.

Ahmet Davutoğlu’s philosophy was to move Turkey towards a regional power by emphasizing pan-Islamism and neo-Ottomanism. The direction of its foreign policy moved towards an expansionist one. An Islamist Pan-Turkish vision replaced secular nationalism.

Recep Tayyip Erdoğan introduced laws that challenged secularism. He also started to bring forward Islamist ideology in its internal and foreign policy. It began meddling in regional affairs. For example, it became embroidered in a conflict with Israel in support of Hamas. It took positions on Afghanistan and then even more so in Syria. It supported Chechens against Russia.

Initially, Ahmet Davutoğlu attempted to minimize conflict with its neighbors by becoming closer to Iran, Greece, Armenia, Iraq, and Syria. He believed that he could have more influence in the region by neutralizing tensions. This was positive for Turkey. During the time Iran was internationally sanctioned, Turkey was able to go around these sanctions and benefit economically.

Ahmet Davutoğlu was also interested in a peace process with the PKK in order to;

1) Bring Turkey closer to joining the European Union,

2) Minimize tensions internally

3) Reduce the role of the army, which was traditionally the guardian of secular nationalism and not pan-Islamist.

Ultimately, Ahmet Davutoğlu’s vision was a failed one. The peace process with the PKK did not move forward in part because the army and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan itself had no interest in following through.

Furthermore, by the early 2012’s it was clear that Recep Tayyip Erdoğan saw himself as an Islamic leader. It drew further and further away from Europe. Joining the European Union was no longer at the forefront of Turkish national interests. The first confrontations with the west came when the U.S first invaded Iraq. Turkey initially resisted the war by not allowing the U.S military to use its bases. Furthermore, in the conflict between Gaza and Israel, it took the side of Gaza. Ahmet Davutoğl’s philosophy was clashing with the West.

Ahmet Davutoğl then supported Muslim Brotherhood and in this way wanted to penetrate in the Arab region’s internal affairs. Turkey took up a leading role in the Arab Spring. It had a proactive foreign policy at the time. It would actively pursue opportunities to expand its power.

Turkey wanted to position itself as a model for the Middle East: an Islamic country that was (at least on the surface) democratic. However, Arab Spring was too large of a conflict for Turkey to be able to control.

With the fall of the Muslim Brotherhood, Turkey’s role also diminished. It was not able to hold on to any power in Libya or Egypt. It became further entangled in the conflict in Syria.

The Syrian uprising and civil war were another places that Turkey attempted to have great influence. In fact, Turkey’s role in the creation and expansion of ISIS is documented but needs further scrutiny. Turkey appears to have used ISIS, as well as the refugee crisis, as a way to further hurt the Kurds and expand its powers in the region. However, with the defeat of ISIS, Turkey’s role has been further questioned. Despite the evidence, the West has yet to directly hold Turkey responsible for aiding ISIS; however, the West no longer sees Turkey as a model for the region.

By 2016, as a result of Ahmet Davutoğl’s failures to establish the type of regional dominance it set out to do, he was forced out of the political arena.

Turkey today is forced into a reactive strategy, rather than proactive position. It is at odds with its neighbors and internally unstable and more polarized than ever.

 

 

————-+++++————

Dr. Azad Moradian, a Kurdish- American Politician was born in Iranian Kurdistan (Eastern Kurdistan). Dr. Moradian specializes in Kurdish and Iranian politics. His articles are regularly published in several media outlets and magazines. He gives regular political comments on radio and TV broadcasts. He also analyzed Kurdish politics and internal fratricide between political factions, and its dire consequences.

Dr. Moradian is Chair of Kurdish American Committee for Democracy and Human right in Iran, and co-founder of Voice of Kurdish-American Radio for Democracy, Peace, and Freedom.

Dr. Moradian is a former member of the board of directors of Kurdish National Congress of North America.

 

Source: https://kurdistanvoice.net/2017/07/04/dr-azad-moradian-establishing-a-kurdish-state-will-shake-the-balance-in-the-region/

Iran: Enforced disappearances of Kurdish men arrested after armed clashes and reprisals against families must end immediately 

Saba-Hosein-Panahi-and-Ramin-Hossin-Panahi

Dear friends,

Please find below and attached a Public Statement that Amnesty International issued today on five men from Iran’s Kurdish minority who have been subject to enforced disappearances since 23 and 24 June 2017.

Ramin Hossein Panahi, a 22-year-old member of the Komala armed opposition group, was arrested on 23 June 2017 after he took part in armed clashes with Iran’s Revolutionary Guards in the neighborhood of Shalman, in Sanandaj, Kurdistan Province, northwest Iran. His fate and whereabouts have been unknown since then.

Later that day, the Revolutionary Guards stormed Ramin Hossein Panahi’s parents’ house in the village of Qeruchay, near Sanandaj and arrested his brother, Afshin Hossein Panahi. The following day, Revolutionary Guards raided the house again and arrested three other members of his family – Anvar Hossein-Panahi (cousin), Ahmad Hossein-Panahi (brother-in-law) and Zobeyr Hossein-Panahi (distant relative). Information received by Amnesty International suggests that none of the men arrested had any involvement with the armed clashes and were instead arrested by Revolutionary Guards in an apparent effort to exact retribution and create a climate of fear.

The organization is urging the Iranian authorities to release Afshin Hossein Panahi, Anvar Hossein Panahi, Ahmad Hossein Panahi, and Zobeyr Hossein Panahi if they have been detained solely because of their family connection with Ramin Hossein Panahi. The authorities must ensure that Ramin Hossein Panahi is promptly brought before a judge, as well as provided with immediate access to healthcare, protected from torture and other ill-treatment, given access to an independent lawyer of his choosing, and granted a fair trial without resort to the death penalty.

The Public Statement is available on the Amnesty International website at the following link:
https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/mde13/6649/2017/en/

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7ca19-amnesty-internationalAMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
PUBLIC STATEMENT

30 June 2017

Index: MDE 13/6649/2017

Iran: Enforced disappearances of Kurdish men arrested after armed clashes and reprisals against families must end immediately

The Iranian authorities must immediately reveal the fate and whereabouts of five men from Iran’s Kurdish minority who have been subject to enforced disappearances since 23 and 24 June 2017, Amnesty International said today.

Ramin Hossein Panahi, a 22-year-old member of the Komala armed opposition group, was arrested on 23 June 2017 after he took part in armed clashes with Iran’s Revolutionary Guards in the neighbourhood of Shalman, in Sanandaj, Kurdistan Province, northwest Iran. His fate and whereabouts have been unknown since then.

Later that day, the Revolutionary Guards stormed Ramin Hossein Panahi’s parents’ house in the village of Qeruchay, near Sanandaj and arrested his brother, Afshin Hossein Panahi. The following day, Revolutionary Guards raided the house again and arrested three other members of his family – Anvar Hossein Panahi (cousin), Ahmad Hossein Panahi (brother-in-law) and Zobeyr Hossein Panahi(distant relative). Information received by Amnesty International suggests that none of the men arrested had any involvement with the armed clashes and were instead arrested by Revolutionary Guards in an apparent effort to exact retribution and create a climate of fear.

Amnesty International understands that on both days, the arrests were carried out in a violent manner. According to accounts from Ramin Hossein Panahi’s family, armed Revolutionary Guards wearing black masks broke the front door of their family house and beat the men as well as Ramin Hossein Panahi’s sister and elderly father. They also warned them against holding gatherings or giving media interviews. Ramin Hossein Panahi’s family have said that their house is now surrounded by heavily armed guards who are monitoring their movements and preventing neighbours and relatives from paying visits.

Since the men were arrested last week, the authorities have refused to provide any information about their fate and whereabouts. Ramin Hossein Panahi’s family learned through a local source that he was hospitalized in Sanandaj following his arrest for approximately an hour and then moved to an undisclosed location. His family are concerned that he is at risk of extrajudicial execution and torture, including through being denied life-saving medical care for his injuries. No information is available on the other men. Their families reported making strenuous efforts to locate them by visiting various government offices in Sanandaj, Qorveh and Dehgolan, all in Kurdistan Province, but said that officials refused to acknowledge their detention or disclose their location. Instead, they directed threats and insults at them describing their loved ones as “terrorists”.

Amnesty International considers all five men to be victims of enforced disappearance and is calling on the Iranian authorities to immediately reveal their fate and whereabouts. Enforced disappearance is a crime under international law and places individuals at serious risk of extrajudicial execution, torture and other gross human rights violations.

The organization is urging the Iranian authorities to release Afshin Hossein Panahi, Anvar Hossein Panahi, Ahmad Hossein Panahi, and Zobeyr Hossein Panahi if they have been detained solely because of their family connection with Ramin Hossein Panahi. The authorities must ensure that Ramin Hossein Panahi is promptly brought before a judge, as well as provided with immediate access to healthcare, protected from torture and other ill-treatment, given access to an independent lawyer of his choosing, and granted a fair trial without resort to the death penalty.

Background

In addition to Ramin Hossein Panahi, three other men affiliated with the armed Kurdish opposition group Komala were involved in the exchange of gunfire on 23 June 2017. They included Sabah Hossein Panahi, Hamed Seyf Panahi and Behzad Nouri. Ramin Hossein Panahi was injured and subsequently arrested while the latter three were shot dead. The exchange of gunfire apparently started at a Revolutionary Guards checkpoint after the men were identified while travelling in a car and did not heed a call to stop. The authorities have refused to return the dead bodies of the three men to their families for burials and warned the families against holding memorial gatherings. Komala has claimed that six members of the Revolutionary Guards were also killed during the clashes but the Revolutionary Guards have not acknowledged any casualties in the official statement they issued on 23 June.

Komala is an armed Kurdish opposition group which has been engaged in armed activities against the Islamic Republic of Iran since the 1980s.

Kurds are one of Iran’s disadvantaged ethnic minorities who face entrenched discrimination that curtails their access to employment, adequate housing and the exercise of their cultural, economic, civil and political rights. Continued economic neglect of provinces populated by Kurds, which include Kurdistan, Kermanshah and parts of West Azerbaijan, have further entrenched poverty and marginalization. Politically, Iran’s Kurdish minority have criticized the centralization of political life and the absence of any measures to ensure minority self-government.

 

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پيامى كوميته ى كورده كانى نيشته جى ئه مريكا بو ديموكراسى و مافى مروڤ به بونه ى شه هيد بوونى سێ پيشمه رگه ى قاره مانى حيزبى کۆمەڵەی شۆڕشگێڕی زەحمەتکێشانی کوردستانی ئێران له شارى سنه

kac4dhri_logo.jpgپيامى كوميته ى كورده كانى نيشته جى ئه مريكا بو ديموكراسى و مافى مروڤ به بونه ى شه هيد بوونى سێ پيشمه رگه ى قاره مانى حيزبى کۆمەڵەی شۆڕشگێڕی زەحمەتکێشانی کوردستانی ئێران له شارى سنه

٢٤ى مانگى جون ٢٠١٧ زاينى

به داخ و په ژاره يه كى زووره وه روژى هەینی ٢ی پووشپەڕی ١٣٩٦ی هەتاوی هه والى شه هيد بوونى سێ پێشمەرگەی قاره مانى حيزبى کۆمەڵەی شۆڕشگێڕی زەحمەتکێشانی کوردستانی ئێران له شارى سنه له ريگاى ئاگادارى فرمى ئه م ريكخراوه بلاو كرايه وه.

به پى ئه م ئاگاداريه پوليك لە پێشمەرگە و ئەندامانی ڕێکخستنی نهێنی ئه م حيزبه لە شارى سنە كه له جوله ى سياسى و پيوندى له گه ل خه لكى شارى سنه دا بوون ده كونه نيو گه ماروى هيزى سوپاى پاسداران و ئيداره ى ئيتيلاعاتى ڕێژیمی کۆماری ئیسلامیی ئێران دا ه له ئاكام دا سێ پێشمەرگەی قاره مان به نيوى سه باح حوسه ين په ناهى، حاميد سه يف په ناهى و بيهزاد نوورى شه هيد ده بن و ئه نداميكى ديكه ى ئه م پوله به نيو رامين حوسين په ناهى پاش بريندار بوون ده كه ويته ده ستى سوپاى دژى گه لى پاسدارانى كومارى ئيسلامى.

Komala_Sanandaj

دوا به دواى ئه م تيك هه لچونه هيزى دژى گه لى پاسداران هيرش ده كه نه سه ر بنه ماله ى شه هيدانى ئه م كاره ساته و بنه ماله ى لايه نگرانى حيزبى كومه له له شارى سنه و چه ندين كه س ده ست به سه ر ده كه ن. له نيو ئه م ده ست به سه ر كراوانه دا نيوى ئه فشين حوسين پناهى له ريگاى راگه ياندنى بنه مالة ى به ريزى حوسين پناهى بلاو كراوه توو.

ئێمە له كوميته ى كورده كانى نيشته جى ئه مريكا وێڕای دەربرینی ھاوخەمی خۆمان، پرسە‌و سەرەخۆشی خومان ئاراستە بنەماڵە سه ر به رزى شه هيدانى نوى خه باتى رزگارى خوازى گه له كه مان و ھاوسەنگەره كانیان  له حيزبى کۆمەڵەی شۆڕشگێڕی زەحمەتکێشانی کوردستانی ئێراندەكەین‌.

هاوكات کۆمار ئیسلامی ئيران به به رپرس له گيانى ئه و كه سانه ى ده زانين كه ده ست به سه ر كراووه ن و بو شوينى ناديار گوستراونه تو.

كومارى ئيسلامى ئيران كه تواناى ولام دانه وه به خواستى ره واى گه لانى ئيرانى له هيچ بوواريك دا نيه، ريگاي چاره له قه تل و كوشتار و ئه شكه نجه ى ئازاديخوازانى ئيران دا ده زانيت و بى گومان خه لكى كورد له روژ هه لاتى كوردستان به پشت به ستن به هيزى سياسى و نيزامى خوى خوراگه رانه و قاره مانانه له به ربه ره كانى له گه ل كومارى سيداره دا وه ستاوه.

ليره دا ئه ركى سه ره كى حيزب و ريكخراوه سياسيه كان ده بيت يكگرتنه وه و پيك هينانى به ره يه كى يكگرتوى روژهه لاتى كوردستان  بو به ربه ره كانى له گه ل كومارى دژى خه لكى ئيسلامى دا بيت.

پيداويستى هاوكارى نيزامى و كارى هاوبه ش له نيوان  ٨ حيزبى سه ره كى كوردى روژ هه لات دا كه هيزى نيزامى چالاك و به ئه زمونيان هه يه ده بيت له ده ستورى سه ره كى ئه م ريكخراوانه دا بيت و ئه م كاره ده توانيت  ببيته سه ره تاى كارى هاوبه شى نيزامى له نيو وه لات ، پشتگيرى له خه باتى مه دنى نيو خو و هه روه ها پاراستنى گيانى پيشمه رگه كان و ئه ندامانى چالاك و نيهينى ئه م ريكخراوانه له نيو ولات دا.

د. ئازاد موراديان

به رپرسى كوميته ى كورده كانى نيشته جى ئه مريكا بو ديموكراسى و مافى مروڤ

لوس ئه نجليس- كاليفورنيا

 

ڕوانگه‌: ئاکامه‌کانی هێرشی موشه‌کی ئێران بۆ سه‌ر سوریا

ڕوانگه‌: ئاکامه‌کانی هێرشی موشه‌کی ئێران بۆ سه‌ر سوریا

 به شى كوردى ده نگى ئه مريكا

سوریا – گفتوگۆکان

 شاهێد عەلەوی

voa_iran_military_action_azad_shahid_himen_062017.jpg

 هێرشی موشه‌کی سۆپای پاسدارانی ئێران بۆ سه‌ر شاری ده‌یره‌زوور له‌ سوریا پرسیاری زۆری هێناوه‌ته‌ ئاراوه‌. ئێڕان ده‌ڵێت ئه‌م هێرشه‌ تۆڵه‌سه‌ندنه‌وه‌ له‌ داعشه‌ و بنکه‌یه‌کی فه‌رمانده‌یی داعشی له‌ ئه‌و ناوچه‌یه‌ کردۆته‌ ئامانج و هه‌ر شه‌ش موشه‌که‌که‌ش ئامانجه‌که‌یان پێکاوه‌.

سه‌رچاوه‌یه‌کی ئیسرایلی ده‌ڵێت ته‌نیا یه‌ک له‌ موشه‌که‌کان بنکه‌ی داعشی پێکاوه‌ و یه‌کی تریان له‌ ده‌ورو و پشتی ئه‌و شاره‌ که‌وتوه‌ و چواری تریان له‌ ڕێگه‌دا که‌وتوونه‌ته‌ خواره‌وه‌. ئێران ده‌ڵێت، ده‌سه‌ڵاتی ناوه‌ندی سوریا ئاگاداری هێرشه‌که‌ کراوه‌ته‌وه‌ و ئێران مافی خۆیه‌تی بۆ پاراستنی ئاسایشی نیشتمانی دژی گرووپه‌ توندئاژۆه‌کان چالاک بێت.

پرسیار ئه‌وه‌یه‌ که‌ ئه‌م هێرشه‌ مووشه‌کیه‌ چه‌ند ده‌توانێت شه‌ڕی ناوخۆی سوریا ئاڵۆزتر بکات و به‌ پێی ئه‌وه‌ که‌ ده‌گوترێت ئێران به‌ دوای کردنه‌وه‌ی ڕێگایه‌که‌ بۆ گه‌یشتن به‌ ده‌ریای مه‌دیته‌رانه‌ ئه‌مه‌ریکا چۆن به‌رانبه‌ر به‌ ئه‌م هه‌وڵانه‌ی ئێران هه‌ڵوێست ده‌گرێت؟

ئه‌گه‌ر مه‌به‌ستی ئێران و ده‌سه‌ڵاتی ناوخۆیی سوریا لاوازکردنی لایه‌نی کوردی و به‌ره‌ی سوریای دێمۆکڕاتیک بێت، ئه‌مه‌ریکا چۆن ده‌توانێت پشگیری له‌ هێزه‌کانی هاوپه‌یمانی بکات و له‌ کۆتایی خۆیدا ئێران ده‌توانێت له‌ شه‌ڕی ناوخۆی سوریادا لایه‌نی سه‌رکه‌وتووبێت، یان به‌ره‌ی به‌رانبه‌ر ئه‌جێندای خۆی له‌ سوریا ده‌چه‌سپێنێت؟

له‌ به‌رنامه‌ی ڕوانگه‌ی ئه‌مڕۆ ئه‌م پرسیارانه‌ له‌ گه‌ڵ به‌ڕێزان هێمن سه‌یدی لێکۆڵه‌ری سیاسی له‌ به‌ریتانیا و دوکتور ئازاد مورادیان، لێکۆله‌ری سیاسی له‌ کالیفۆڕنیا تاوتۆ ده‌که‌ین.

Source: https://www.dengiamerika.com/a/iran-syria/3910170.html?nocache=1

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ده‌ره‌نجامی هه‌ڵبژاردنه‌کانی سه‌رۆک کۆماری ئێران: چ گۆتارێک سه‌رکه‌وتوو بوو؟

ده‌ره‌نجامی هه‌ڵبژاردنه‌کانی سه‌رۆک کۆماری ئێران: چ گۆتارێک سه‌رکه‌وتوو بوو؟

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هه‌ڵبژاردنه‌کانی سه‌رۆکایه‌تی ئێران کۆتایی هات و جارێکی تر رۆحانی به‌ سه‌رۆک کۆمار هه‌ڵبژێردرایه‌وه‌. بانگه‌وازی به‌شداری نه‌کردنه‌که‌ چ له‌ لایه‌ن کورد وه‌ یاخود لایه‌نه‌کانی تردا تا چه‌ند کاریگه‌ری هه‌بوو وه‌ تا چه‌ند کارو به‌رنامه‌ رێزی بۆ کرا بوو؟

له‌ هه‌مان کاتدا تا چ ڕاده‌یه‌ک چالاکانی سیاسی و لایه‌نه‌حیزبییه‌کان بۆ سه‌رکه‌وتنی پرسی بایکۆتی هه‌ڵبژاردن چالاک بوون و چه‌نده‌ جیاوازی نێوانی گرنگی هه‌ڵبژاردنه‌کانی ئه‌نجومه‌نه‌کانی شار و لادێ سه‌رۆک کۆمارییان له‌ چالاکییه‌کانی خۆیاندا ڕه‌چاوکردووه‌.

ئایا پێویستە گەلانی ئێران و کۆمەڵگەی نێونەتەوەییش چاوەڕوانی گۆڕانکاری بن لەپاش ئەم هەڵبژاردنەی سەرۆکایەتی ئێران؟ شه‌ش حیزبی کوردستانی ئێران به‌یانیه‌کی هاوبه‌شیان سه‌باره‌ت به‌ هه‌ڵبژاردنه‌کانی سه‌رۆکایه‌تی و ئه‌نجومه‌نه‌کانی شار و لادێ بڵاوکرده‌وه‌ و داوایان له‌ گه‌لی کورد له‌ ئێڕان کرد که‌ ئه‌و هه‌ڵبژاردنانه‌ بایکۆت بکه‌ن. ئایا پرسی بایکۆت له‌ کوردستان سه‌رکه‌وتوو بوو ؟

له‌ به‌رنامه‌ی ڕوانگه‌ی ئه‌م حه‌وتووه‌ له‌گه‌ڵ مێوانه‌کانمان به‌ڕێزان دۆکتور ئازاد مۆرادیان، لێکوڵه‌ری سیاسی دانیشتووی کالیفۆرنیا، و ئه‌مین سۆرخابی، ڕۆژنامه‌وان له ئاڵمان ئه‌م باسه‌ تاوتۆ ده‌که‌ین.  

  Source: https://www.dengiamerika.com/a/iran/3881405.html?nocache=1

 

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پيامى كوميته ى كورده كانى نيشته جى ئه مريكا به بونه ى كوچى كاك فەتاح كاويان

kac4dhri_logo.jpgپيامى كوميته ى كورده كانى نيشته جى ئه مريكا به بونه ى كوچى كاك فەتاح fatah-kavianكاويان

زور به داخه وه ئاگادار كراين كه كاك فه تاح كاويان خه باتگيرى ماندو نه ناسى گه لى كورد و تێکۆشه‌رى له ميژه ى ديموكرات و يه ك له ريبه رانى گه لى كورد له روژهه لاتى كوردستان ئه ورو كوچى دووايى كردوو و بو هه ميشه بنه ماله و هاوريانى خوى به جى هيشت.
كاك فه تاح كاويان له ميژوى خه باتى شورشگيرانه ى كوردستان دا و ه ك كه سايه تيكى زانا، ماندو نه ناس، بيرمه ند و راستگو و وفادار به ريگاى خه بات بو ئازادى نه ته وى كورد ده ناسيرت و له مه يدانى خه باتى گه لى كورد وه ك ماموستايه كى ئاكاديميك وانه ى شورش و زانستى به قوتابيانى خوى فير كردووه.
كاك فه تاح كاويان پترله ٦٠ سال ته مه نى پر به هاى خوى بو خزمه ت به گه لى چه وساوه ى كورد ته رخان كردوو و تا دوا هه ناسه ى ژيانى وه ك شورشگيريگى بى وينه  سه نگه رى شورش و پيشمه رگايه تى به جى نه هيشت.
كوچى دووايى كاك فتاح كاويان خه ساريكى گه وره بو گه لى كورد و به تايبه ت بو روژهه لاتى ئه م ولاته يه.
كوميته ى كورده كانى دانيشتوى ئه مريكا پر به دل سه رخوشى خوى ئاراسته ى بنه ماله ى به ريزى كاك فه تاح، هاو سه نگه ران و هاوره يانى كاك فه تاح و بنه ماله ى گه وره ى ديموكرات و هه مو گه لى كورد ده كات و هيوادارين هاوريانى ريگاى كاك فه تاح تا گه يشتن به كوردستانيكى سه ربه خو و ئازاد ئيدامه بده ن.
د. ئازاد موراديان
به رپرسى كوميتته ى كورده كانى نيشته جى ئه مريكا بو ديموكراسى و مافى مروڤ
لوس ئه نجليس، ئه مريكا
١٧ ى مانگى ژانويه ى ٢٠١٧

بەیاننامەی کۆتایی کۆبوونەوەی هاوبەشی لایەنە سیاسییەکانی کوردستان یەکدەنگ و یەکگرتوو کردەوەی تیرۆریستی مەحکووم دەکەین

بەیاننامەی کۆتایی کۆبوونەوەی هاوبەشی لایەنە سیاسییەکانی کوردستان یەکدەنگ و یەکگرتوو کردەوەی تیرۆریستی مەحکووم دەکەین

 سه رچاوه : كوردستان و كورد

25/12/2016
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ئێمە نوێنەرانی  نزیک بە ٣٠حیزب و ڕێکخراوی سیاسیی بەشە جۆراوجۆرەکانی کوردستان ئەمڕۆ یەکشەمە ٢٥ی دیسەمبری ٢٠١٦ بە یەکەوە لە شوێنی تەقینەوە تیرۆریستییەکەی شەوی ١ی بەفرانباری ئەمساڵ(٢١ی دیسەمبری ٢٠١٦) لە قەڵای دیموکرات(بارەگای سەرەکیی حیزبی دیموکراتی کوردستان) لە نزیک شاری کۆیە، کۆ بووینەوە.

ئەو تاوانە تیرۆریستییە کە شەهید بوونی ٥ پێشمەرگەی دیموکرات و دوو پۆلیسی ئاسایش و برینداربوونی ژمارەیەکی دیکەی لێ کەوتەوە، بەشدارانی مەراسمێکی کردبوو بە ئامانج کە بە بۆنەی ٨٦ ساڵەی لە دایکبوونی د.قاسملووی شەهید پێک هاتبوو. ئاشکرایە ئەگەر تیرۆریستان بیانتوانیبا بۆمبەکانیان بگەیەننە نێو شوێنی مەراسمەکە بە دڵنیاییەوە کارەساتێکی زۆر گەورەتریان دەخوڵقاند.

هەر یەک لە ئێمە حیزب‌و لایەنە سیاسییەکانی بەشدار لەم کۆبوونەوەیە، پێشتر جیا جیا ئەم تاوانەمان بە توندی مەحکووم کردوە و هاوخەمیی خۆمان لە گەڵ بنەمالەی قوربانییەکان و حیزبی دیموکراتی کوردستان راگەیاندوە. ئەمڕۆش هەموومان یەکدەنگ و بە یەکەوە بۆ جارێکی دیکە ئەم کردەوە تیرۆریستیە مەحکووم دەکەینەوە و لە گەڵ بنەماڵەی قوربانیان ، دیموکراتەکان ولایەنە سیاسییەکانی ڕۆژهەلات، هاوخەمیی خۆمان دووپات دەکەینەوە.

ئەمە یەکەم جار نیە دەستی ڕەشی تیرۆر، لە هەرێمی کوردستان گیانی تێکۆشەرانی کوردی ڕۆژهەڵات دەستێنێ. لە نەوەدەکانی سەدەی ٢٠ دا بە داخەوە سەدان کادر‌و پێشمەرگە‌و ئەندام‌و لایەنگری حیزبەکانی ڕۆژهەڵات‌و بنەمالەکانیان لە باشووری کوردستان بوون بە قوربانیی پیلانە تیرۆریستییەکانی کۆماری ئیسلامیی ئێران. هەر لەم یەک دوو ساڵەی دواییش‌دا چەند پیلانی تیرۆریستی لە دژی بنکەکان‌و تێکۆشەرانی ژمارەیەک لەو حیزبانە پووچەڵ کراونەوە کە لە کاتی خۆی‌دا لە ڕێگای ڕاگەیەنە گشتییەکانەوە هەواڵەکەیان بڵاو بۆوە.

ئێمە نیگەرانین کە تاوانی تیرۆریستیی شەوی ١ی بەفرانبار‌و پیلانە پووچەڵ بۆوەکانی پێشتر، سەرەتایەک بێ بۆ ئەوەی جارێکی دیکە هەرێمی کوردستان ببێتەوە بە مەیدانی  پیلان و هەڕەشە و کردەوەی تیرۆریستیی لە دژی لایەنە سیاسییە خەباتکارەکانی ڕۆژهەڵاتی کوردستان. لە کاتێك دا نەتەوەکەمان لەباشوور و خۆراوای کوردستان لە گەڵ تێرۆریزم لە شەڕێکی بەرین دایە و قوربانیی  گەورە پێشکەش دەکاو، هەر لەم سۆنگەیەشەوە ڕێز و ئیعتیبارێکی جیهانیی  وەدەست هێناوە، چۆن دەتوانین ڕێگە بدەین ڕۆڵەکانی بەشێکی دیکەی کوردستان لە سەر خاکی هەرێم ببن بە ئامانجی تیرۆر؟ هەر دەوڵەت و لایەنێک لە ژێر هەر ناوێك‌دا دەست بۆ تێرۆر و ڕەشەکوژی ببا مەحکوومە. هەر بۆیە جگە لەوەی هەر یەک لە ئێمە لە سیاسەت و تێکۆشانی خۆمان دا دژی دەوەستینەوە، بە ئەرکی حکوومەتی هەرێم و سەرجەم دەزگا پێوەندیدارەکانیشی دەزانین ڕێگر بێت لە بەڕێوەچوونی هەرەشە و پیلانی تێرۆریستی لە دژی لایەنە سیاسییەکانی پارچەکانی دیکەی کوردستان کە لە هەرێمی کوردستان، گیرساونەوە. هەر وەها سەرنجی هاوپەیمانەتیی نێودەوڵەتی دژی تیرۆر بۆ لای تێرۆریزمی دەوڵەتی لە ناوچەکە بەرامبەر هێز و لایەنە خەباتکارەکانی بەشە جۆراوجۆرەکانی کوردستان ڕادەکێشین و پیویستی و گرنگیی بەربەرەکانی لە گەڵ ئەم جۆرە لە تیرۆریزمیان وەبیر دێنینەوە.

وێڕای مەحکوومکردنی شەڕو لەشکرکێشی، تیرۆر و سەرکوت و تۆقاندن لە لایەن دەوڵەتانی ناوچە  لە ڕووبەڕووبوونەوە لە گەڵ پرسی کورد دا، بە قووڵی باوەڕمان بەوە هەیە کە خەباتی گەلی کورد و هێزە سیاسییەکانی لە ڕۆژهەڵات و هەر پارچەیەکی دیکەی کوردستان، بە شەڕ و سەرکوت و تیرۆر لە نێو ناچێ. لە کاتێک‌دا لە سەر پشتیوانیمان لە خەباتی ڕەوای نەتەوەکەمان بۆ مافە ڕەواکانی لە هەموو بەشەکانی کوردستان پێ دادەگرینەوە، داوامان ئەوەیە سەرجەم لایەنە سیاسییەکانی کوردستان‌و ڕۆڵەکانی نەتەوەکەمان لە نێوخۆی کوردستان و لە دەرەوەی وڵات، کەمپەین وچالاکیی هاوبەش لە دژایەتی لە گەڵ  سیاسەت و بەرنامەو پیلانی تیرۆریستیدا وەڕێ بخەن.

کۆبوونەوەی هاوبەشی نزیکەی ٣٠حیزب‌و لایەنی سیاسیی هەر چوار بەشی کوردستان

٢٥/١٢/٢٠١٦

لیستی لایەنەکانی بەشدار لە کۆبوونەوەی هاوبەشي حیزبە کوردستانییەکانی هەر چوار بەشی کوردستان

 بۆ مەحکوومکردنی کردەوەی تیرۆریستی

٢٥ی دیسامبری٢٠١٦  – کۆیە

ناوەکان بە پێی تەرتیبی ئەلفوبێ:

بزووتنەوەی دێموکراتیکی گەلی کوردستان

بزووتنەوەی رزگاریی دێموکراتی کوردستان

پارتی پێشکەوتنخوازی کورد لە سووریە

پارتی دێموکراتی نیشتمانیی کورد لە سووریە

پارتی دیموکراتی کوردستان

پارتی دێموکراتیکی گەلان (هەدەپە)

پارتی کرێکاران و رەنجدەرانی کوردستان

پارتی ئازادی کوردستان

پارتی یەکیەتی دیموکرات  ( پەیەدە)

پارتی یەکیەتی دێموکراتی کورد لە سووریە
یەکیەتیی دیموکراتی کوردستان

حیزبی پێشکەوتنخوازی کوردی سووریە

حیزبی دیموکراتی کوردستان

حیزبی دیموکراتی کوردستانی ئێران

حیزبی زەحمەتکێشانی کوردستان

حیزبی شیوعیی کوردستان

حیزبی یەکیەتیی کورد لە سووریە

ڕەوتی سوسیالیستی کۆمەڵە

سازمانی خەباتی کوردستانی ئێران

کۆما جڤاکێن کوردستان(کەجەکە)

کۆمەڵەی زەحمەتکێشانی کوردستان

کۆمەڵەی شۆڕشگێری زەحمەتکێشانی  کوردستان

کۆنگرەی نەتەوەیی کوردستان

یەکگرتووی ئیسلامیی کوردستان

یەکیەتیی نەتەوەیی دێموکراتیکی کوردستان

ئەنجوومەنی نیشتمانیی كورد لە سووریا  (ئەنەکەسە)

سه رچاوه: http://www.kurdistanukurd.com/?p=15830

به يكگرتن و پيك هينانى به ره ي يكگرتوى كورد له روژهه لاتى كوردستان ، پيلانه كانى كومارى سيداره و تيرور پوچه ل كه ينه وه

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به يكگرتن و پيك هينانى به ره ي يكگرتوى كورد له روژهه لاتى كوردستان ، پيلانه كانى كومارى سيداره و تيرور پوچه ل كه ينه وه

جاريكى كه تيروريسته كانى كومارى سيداره ى ئيسلامى ئيران له خاكى باشورى كوردستان دا ، روله دلسوزه كانى گه لى كورد، پيشمه رگه

قاره مانه كانى ديموكراتيان له خويندا گه وزاند.

 روژى سي شه ممه ٢٠ ى مانگى ديسمبرى ٢٠١٦ ى زايينى، له ئاكامى دو ته قينه وه ى چينراو به ده ست تيروريسته كانى كومارى ئيسلامى ئيران  ٦ روله ى قاره مانى گه لى كورد شه هيد و چ ن پيشمه رگه ى قاره مان و خه لكى سيويل بريندار و ئازاريان پي گه يشته وه.

به پى ئه و هه والانه ى كه له سه ر ميدياكان بلاو كرايه ته وه، ئه م كاره ساته پاش به ريوه چونى ساليادى له دايك بوونى شه هيد دكتور قاسملو له بنه كه ى سه ره كى حيزبى ديموكرات كوردستان له كويه روى داوه. زور به داخه وه ٥ ئه ندامى حيزبى ديموكرات كوردستان و يه ك كه س له مفه وه زى ئاسايشى كويه به م قه راره  تا ئيستا شه هيد بوون.

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١– عەلی قۆیتاسی، کادری حیزب
٢- وەهاب میر خزری، پێشمەرگەی حیزب
٣- سالار باقری، پێشمەرگەی حیزب
٤- ئەرسەلان عەباس نیا، پێشمەرگەی حیزب
٥- ناسر کەریمی، ئەندامی یەکیەتیی لاوانی دیموکرات،
٦- عەدنان عەبدوڵلا، مفەوەزی ئاسایش
 

كوميته ى كورده كانى نيشته جى ئه مريكا ويراى مه حكوم كردنى ئه م كاره ساتة، داوا له به رپرسانى ئاسايش و ئه منى هه ريمى كوردستان ده  كات كه به رپرسايه تى خويان بو ليكولينه وه و به داچونه وى ئه م كاره ساته وه ك ئه ركيكى نيشتمانى له ئه ستو بگرن و تيروريسته كان و پيلان ريژانى ئه م كاره ساته ئاشكرا و ده ستگيربكرين و له مه حكه مه ى كوردستان دا موحاكيمه بكرين. به رپرسانى هه ريمى كوردستان ده بيت به چاوديريكى زيادتر ئاگايان له ده ستگاى سيخورى و تيرورى كومارى ئيسلامى له باشورى كوردستاند بيت و ريگا نه ده ن كه كومارى ئيسلامى له خاكى كردستاند روله قاره مانه كانى كورد تيرور كات.

ئه مه جارى يكم نيه كه كومارى ئيسلامى ئيران پيشمه رگه و كاديرى شورشگيرى كورد تيرور ده كات و و تا ئيستا به ده يان جار هه ولى تيرورى كادر و ئه ندامانى ريكخراوه كانى ئوپوزسيونى كوردى روژهه لاتيان داوه و له ئاكام دا پتر له ٢٨٠ ئه ندامى ئوپوزسيونى كوردى روژهه لات له نيوان سالانى ١٩٩٣ تا ٢٠٠٦ تيرور كراون.

ئه م كاره ساته، ديسان ده يسه لمينيت كه دوژمنانى گه لى كورد هيچ چركه ساتيك له پيلان رشتن دژ به بزوتنه وه ى رزگارى خوازى كه لى

كورد نه وه ستاوه ن و به هه مو شيوازيك هه ول بو له ناو بردنى خه باتى گه لى كورد و پيشمه رگه قاره مانه كانى ئه م گه له يان هه يه.

ئه م كاره ساته ديسان ئه ركى هه ره گرينگى ئيمه بو پيك هاتنى به ره يه ى يكگرتوى گه لى كورد و هه روها پيك هاتنى به ره ى يكگرتوى رو ژهه لاتى كوردستان وه بير دينيته وه. روله كانى قاره مانى ديموكرات به يكگرتنه وه ده توانن پيلانه كانى دژى گه لى كومارى سيداره و تيرورى ئيران پوچه ل كه نه وه و ئه ركى خويان بو خه بات له ريگاى سه ربه خويى و ئازادى گه له كه مان به جى بينن.

به خه م و په ژاره يه كى زوره وه سه رخوشى له گه لى كورد، له بنه ماله ى شه هيدانى و له هه موى هاوريان و هاوسه نگه ره كاني ئه م روله قاره مانانه  ده كم و ئاواتى سه بورى و سوكنايي دلم بو بنه ماله ى دلسوز و دلسوتاوى ئه م ٦ پيشمه رگه ى شه هيدى گه ل هه يه.

 

د. ئازاد موراديان

به رپرسى كوميته ى كورده كانى دانيشتوى ئه مريكا بو ديموكراسى و مافى مروڤ

لوس ئه نجليس

١٢ ديسمبرى ٢٠١٦ى زايينى

IRAN: FURTHER INFORMATION: YOUTH ARRESTED IN HIS TEENS AT RISK OF EXECUTION: HIMAN URAMINEJAD

7ca19-amnesty-internationalURGENT ACTION: YOUTH ARRESTED IN HIS TEENS AT RISK OF EXECUTION

Himan Uraminejad has been warned by prison officials that he is at risk of execution as Iran’s Head of Judiciary has approved the implementation of his death sentence. He has been on death row since 2012 for a crime committed when he was 17 years old.

Himan Uraminejad has been warned by prison officials that he is at risk of execution as Iran’s Head of Judiciary has approved the implementation of his death sentence. He has been on death row since 2012 for a crime committed when he was 17 years old.

Amnesty International has learnt on 21 November that Himan Uraminejad, aged 22, was informed by prison officials on 6 October that the Head of Judiciary had approved the implementation of his death sentence and his family should intensify their efforts to seek a pardon from the family of the deceased because his execution could be carried out at any moment. He was sentenced to death in August 2012 after a criminal court in Kurdistan Province convicted him of murder over the fatal stabbing of a boy during a group fight. He was 17 years old at the time of the crime. In September 2014, the Supreme Court quashed his death sentence and granted him a retrial, based on new juvenile sentencing provisions in Iran’s 2013 Islamic Penal Code. In June 2015, however, he was sentenced to death again. The criminal court presiding over his retrial referred to an official medical opinion that found “no evidence of a disorder at the time of the crime that would remove criminal liability”. The court also referred to Himan Uraminejad’s statements that he had no “mental illness or history of hospitalization” and understood killing someone was “religiously forbidden” (haram). The Supreme Court upheld the death sentence in November 2015 and rejected a subsequent request for retrial.

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Himan Uraminejad was sentenced after a grossly unfair trial that relied on evidence obtained through torture. He was arrested on 22 April 2012 when he was 17 years old. He was subsequently transferred to an undisclosed detention centre where he was held for 20 days, without access to his family and lawyer. He has said that during this period, he was tortured, including by repeated beatings that left scars and bruises all over his face and body, and suspension from the ceiling by a rope tied to his feet. He has said that police also raped him with an object shaped like an egg, threatened to cut off his testicles and walked over his body with boots. Himan Uraminejad’s trial was held before an adult court, without special juvenile justice protections. The court ordered no investigation into his allegations of torture.

Please write immediately in English, Persian, Arabic, French and Spanish or your own language:

  • Urging the Iranian authorities to halt any plans to execute Himan Uraminejad, and commute his death sentence without delay;
  • Urging them to ensure that his conviction is quashed and that he is granted a fair retrial in accordance with the principles of juvenile justice, in particular ensuring that no statements obtained through torture and other ill- treatment are admitted as evidence;
  • Urging them to ensure his allegations of torture are investigated and those responsible are brought to justice;
  • Immediately establish an official moratorium on executions with a view to abolishing the death

Please send your appeals to the care of Iranian embassies in your country, listed below. If there is no Iranian embassy in your country, please mail the letter to the Permanent Mission of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the United Nations, 622 Third Avenue, 34th Floor, New York, NY 10017, United States. Please insert local diplomatic addresses below:

Name Address 1 Address 2 Address 3 Fax Fax number Email Email address Salutation Salutation

Please check with your section office if sending appeals after the above date. This is the first update of UA 72/16. Further information: https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/mde13/3722/2016/en/

URGENT ACTION: YOUTH ARRESTED IN HIS TEENS AT RISK OF EXECUTION

ADDITIONAL INFORMATION

 The minimum age of criminal responsibility in Iran is set at nine lunar years for girls and 15 lunar years for boys. From this age, a child who is convicted of murder or crimes that fall in the category of hodud (offences that carry inalterable punishments prescribed by Shari’a law) is generally convicted and sentenced in the same way as an adult. However, since the adoption of the 2013 Islamic Penal Code, judges have been given discretion not to sentence juvenile offenders to death if they determine that juvenile offenders did not understand the nature of the crime or its consequences, or their “mental maturity” is in doubt.

The criteria for assessing “mental growth and maturity” are unclear and arbitrary. As illustrated by the case of Himan Uraminejad, judges often conflate the issue of lesser culpability of juveniles because of their lack of maturity with the diminished responsibility of people with mental illness, concluding that the juvenile offender was not “afflicted with insanity” or was “in a healthy mental state”, and therefore deserved the death penalty. Sometimes, judges focus exclusively on whether the juvenile could tell that it is wrong to kill a human being, and disregard interdisciplinary social science studies on the relationship between adolescence and crime, including neuroscientific findings on brain maturity, which have informed juvenile justice principles considering juveniles less culpable than adults due to their developmental immaturity and cognitive limitations (see Growing up on death row: The death penalty and juvenile offenders in Iran, https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/mde13/3112/2016/en/).

As a state party to the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), Iran is legally obliged to treat everyone under the age of 18 as a child. This is different from the minimum age of criminal responsibility, which is the age below which children are deemed not to have the capacity to break the law. This age varies between countries, but it must be no lower than 12 years, according to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child. People who have broken the law who are above the minimum age of criminal responsibility, but under 18, may be considered criminally responsible, prosecuted, tried and punished. However, they should never be subjected to the death penalty or life imprisonment without the possibility of release.

The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child reviewed Iran’s implementation of the CRC in January 2016. The Committee’s Concluding Observations expressed “serious concern” that the exemption of juvenile offenders from the death penalty is “under full discretion of judges who are allowed, but not mandated to seek forensic expert opinion and that several persons have been resentenced to death following such retrials”. Beside Himan Uraminejad, Amnesty International is aware of several other cases, including Salar Shadizadi, Hamid Ahmadi and Sajad Sanjari, who have been retried, found to have sufficient “mental maturity” at the time of the crime and sentenced to death again. Amnesty International is also aware of at least 15 juvenile offenders who have been sentenced to death for the first time since the adoption of the 2013 Islamic Penal Code.

Amnesty International has recorded at least 75 executions of juvenile offenders between 2005 and 2016, including two in 2016. One of them was Hassan Afshar, who was hanged in July. Iran’s lack of transparency on its use of the death penalty means that the total number of executions of juvenile offenders could be much higher. According to a UN report issued in 2014, at least 160 juvenile offenders are now on death row. Amnesty International has been able to identify the names of 78 of these juvenile offenders. Some of them have been on death row for over a decade and are either unaware of their right to seek a retrial based on the new provisions of the 2013 Islamic Penal Code or do not have the means to retain a lawyer to seek it for them.

The Head of the Judiciary must provide a type of approval known as estizan in all cases where the death penalty has been imposed under the Islamic principle of “retribution-in-kind” (qesas) before the sentence can be implemented.

Name: Himan Uraminejad Gender m/f: m

Further information on